Our spiritual enemies, East and West

 

The New Spirituality and the New Christ Experience

Lecture 2 of 7

Rudolf Steiner, Dornach, Switzerland

October 22, 1920

With the 15th century, a new era began in the development of civilized humanity in the Northern Hemisphere, one in which, in particular, human individuality—in full self-awareness—is to emerge more and more. The forces that shape this individual sense of self will grow ever stronger, and all phenomena of life—particularly life on a large scale, at first—will unfold under the sign of this development of individuality. But this means nothing other than that even what comes from the spiritual worlds and intervenes in our physical world takes such a course that the human-individual aspect comes to the fore in all of humanity as a whole. For it is not merely a matter of individual human beings being able to think in a self-centered way: we are becoming individualities—but rather that the development of humanity as a whole should take such a course that the individuality of human beings works its way into this development of humanity. Every age, every epoch that we can trace in the course of human development has, depending on whether it has developed one thing or another—such as individuality at this present time—these or those particular characteristics. These characteristics are imprinted on human development by the way in which the spiritual forces influence humanity’s physical life on Earth. But precisely because of this self-contained nature that the individual human being now embodies—at a time when individuality is to emerge, when self-consciousness is to develop fully, and when the conscious soul is, so to speak, to take shape and become unified within itself—the distinctive characteristics of this epoch are not directed from the spiritual world as they were in earlier epochs, but rather very special phenomena are coming to the fore within human development. And the human being, who through the development of his individuality is being educated more and more toward freedom, must also take a conscious stand more and more toward what emerges from this process. In particular, the issue is that a social life—though from our point of view we must say that such a social life must be deeply rooted within—must take shape, even though the strong egoistic forces of the consciousness soul, which oppose social life, are also emerging more and more from the depths of existence. On the one hand, there are the strong egoistic forces of the conscious soul; on the other hand, there is all the more the necessity to consciously establish a social life. And one must consciously take a stand on everything that can promote this social coexistence. Over the course of time, we have already explained from a wide variety of perspectives how different the overall stance of Western people, people of Central Europe, and Eastern people is toward the entire development of humanity. We have pointed out various characteristics that are distinctive to Eastern people today, to people of Central Europe, and to Western people. Now let us draw attention to a phenomenon that can already show us, outwardly, how these differentiations within humanity play out across the civilized world.

We know that, under the influence of modern scientific thinking, a certain element of worldview has developed in social life—one that is particularly strongly expressed among the broad masses of the proletariat—which has emerged in our age of machinery, in our intellectual age. I have outlined everything relevant to the social question in this context in the first part of my *Key Points of the Social Question*. Today I would like to focus specifically on the differentiation in the views of broad masses of people regarding the social question. Here we have clearly distinguished the social views—let us say, of the proletariat—which then rub off on other segments of the human population; and we have clearly distinguished the outlook on life in Western countries—namely, in the Anglo-Saxon countries—from that of other peoples. In these countries, under the influence of the modern age of machinery and industry, that materialistic outlook on life among the broad masses—which has often been characterized here—has indeed emerged alongside the materialism of other classes of humanity, or indeed as a direct result of it. But this socialist worldview has developed in such a way that it is entirely marked by economic struggles, since it is thoroughly permeated by economic concepts, economic ideas, and economic struggles that are scarcely influenced by ideological struggles. This is the hallmark of what is taking place within the socialist world of the Anglo-Saxon West. Because economic life has been the defining characteristic—the characteristic to date—of modern public life in general, the impulses of socialism also arose from these living conditions of the proletariat among the Anglo-Saxon population.

What is now manifesting itself, for example, in the great strike movement is significant precisely for the very nature of what is taking shape in the West from this perspective. Even if the existing discrepancies could seemingly be resolved, it would only be an apparent resolution; very significant effects will emanate precisely from the deeper forces at play in these struggles. And even if, given the West’s overall disposition, no actual worldviews develop from these impulses, we can still clearly perceive how the worldviews that are forming—and have formed in recent times—have drawn their impetus from the impulses that are present there.

Karl Marx, even though he was born in Central Europe and emerged from Central European intellectual currents, had to go to England to absorb the vital impulses that had developed there. But he transformed them into a worldview. Marxism as a worldview did not so much come into being in the Western regions themselves; it came into being as a worldview in the heart of Europe. There, within the goals of social democracy, it fully assumed the character of a worldview. What in the West are economic impulses leading to economic struggles were channeled into legal and political concepts; in Central Europe during the second half of the 19th century and into the 20th century, it lived on as such a Marxist worldview and captured the broad masses of humanity. But it also spread eastward, to the region where the character of the East begins in Europe. And there it manifested itself again in a different form. Economically in the West, politically and statally in the center; in the East, it clearly takes on a religious character. If it were not for that distortion—which existed both during Peter the Great’s inundation of the East and now under Lenin and Trotsky—if it were not for this distortion, which arises precisely because what asserts itself there as Bolshevism is a foreign import, then one would see even more clearly that there is already today a strong religious element within this Bolshevism—one that is, admittedly, entirely materialistic in nature, yet which acts in conjunction with earlier religious impulses and will continue to do so, and it is precisely in this that it will reveal its terrible nature throughout all of Asia: that it acts with the fervor of a religious impulse. Economically, the social impulse is in the West; politically and in terms of the state, it is in the heart of Europe; and with religious fervor, it is already at work from Russia onward and toward the East, extending into Asia. Compared to these impulses, which are sweeping through the development of humanity, much else is utterly insignificant. And anyone who does not see something symptomatically significant in the most intense sense in events such as the current English miners’ strike simply does not understand the workings of deeper forces in the entire course of our historical development.

But everything that can be described in such external terms has deeper underlying causes, and ultimately, these deeper underlying causes lie in the spiritual world. Modern human life can only be understood if one grasps this division into a Western economic sphere, a political-statist-legal sphere in the center of Europe, and a religious element in the East—a spiritual element in the East that has only a religious character, but which is in fact the spiritual aspect as it can manifest itself there in the decadent East. This is so evident that one must say: For the West, it is natural—and this occurs thoroughly—that it possesses everything of an economic nature; for the center, mere economic striving cannot succeed because in the center every economic endeavor takes on a political-state character; in Eastern Europe, the great external failure arose because, through the traditions of Peter the Great, that which actually stems from a spiritual-religious impulse—Panslavism and Slavophilism—has taken on a political, state-centered character. Behind this state-centered character—which has brought forth all the horrors that have unfolded in Eastern Europe—behind this state-centered character, which has left its mark on all Eastern endeavors since Peter the Great, behind all of this lies, at its core, the spiritual tendency to continue the legacy of Byzantium—namely, spiritual Byzantine religiosity and so on. Even the individual phenomena of historical life become understandable only when viewed in this light. One might say: To a certain extent, everything that still lies within Europe—even extending westward, even into France—can be counted as part of the European center, for what is actually characteristic of the West is Anglo-Saxon culture. And this Anglo-Saxon culture is thoroughly following its instincts in line with the impulses inherent in human development over the last three to four centuries and beyond. These impulses led to a situation where, precisely in the West, everything that was imposed on social life by the modern scientific way of thinking—with all its achievements—was best able to develop. This way of thinking, with its achievements, together with the character of Anglo-Saxon culture, has established the world dominance of that Anglo-Saxon culture. Everything that has emerged from modern natural science—the brilliant boom in transportation, commerce, and industry, and everything that led to the great colonizations—arose precisely through the convergence of the scientific way of thinking with the character of Anglo-Saxon culture. And this was deeply felt in the instincts of the West. One can point directly to a pivotal moment in modern historical development: the year 1651, when the brilliant Cromwell, through the Navigation Acts, brought about the restructuring of the English navy and the entire English trading system—a restructuring that laid the foundation in the West for everything that followed; and one can point out how, one might say, for reasons that are outwardly inexplicable, just as Napoleon’s star was rising, French shipping suffered its greatest decline. What happens in the West happens precisely because of the forces that lie in the very direction of human development. It arises from an entirely economic way of thinking, from economic impulses of imagination. Therefore, everything that comes from the center—conceived not from economic but from legal, political, and military perspectives—must be subordinate to it. We see a striking example of how, from a political-military perspective originating on the European continent, Napoleon opposed what had emerged from Cromwell’s Navigation Acts through the Continental Blockade. The Navigation Act was conceived and created entirely out of economic instincts. Napoleon’s Continental Blockade at the beginning of the 19th century was a political concept; but a political concept is something that extends from earlier times into the modern era—it is antiquated, a veritable anachronism. Consequently, this politically conceived measure cannot hold its own against the modern way of thinking from which the Navigation Act springs. In contrast, in the West—where economic thinking is in line with the spirit of the modern age—political matters, even when they unfold in an unfavorable sense as political matters, have, in essence, no harmful effect.

Consider the fact that, starting from Europe, France colonized North America. It lost these colonies to England. The colonies gained their independence. The first wave of French colonization in the 18th century was a political endeavor; it bore no fruit. English colonization in North America was driven entirely by economic motives. The political aspect, in turn, could collapse. North America gained its independence. From then on, no political connection existed. The economic connection remained intact.

This is how things come together in human development. And we can certainly say: History also shows that when two people do the same thing, it is not the same. When Cromwell, at the right time and driven by economic imperatives, created his Navigation Acts—which were, to the other powers, extraordinarily tyrannical, even brutal—these Acts had nevertheless sprung from economic reasoning. When Tirpitz, as part of more recent developments, established German shipping and the German navy, this was conceived politically—purely politically—without any economic impetus, indeed contrary to all economic instincts. Today, this has been swept away from the face of the earth because it was conceived and planned contrary to the course of human development. And so, with regard to all individual phenomena, one could demonstrate how—one might say—this historical threefold structure exists: in the East—though today in a state of decadence—something that harks back to earlier times of Eastern development and has a spiritual character; in the middle, something that is, however, already antiquated today, which more or less takes the form of the political-legal-military, of the state; in the West, the state is merely a decoration; the political has no significance at all, no real significance; there, economic thinking predominates. While Germany has been ruined by the fact that its state has absorbed the economy—that industrialists and merchants went underground and cowered under the power of the state—we see how, in the West, the state is being absorbed by economic life, and everything is flooded by economic life. Viewed from the outside, this is the distinction that characterizes today’s civilized world. But what can be observed in this outward way is, after all, ultimately only brought to the surface from the depths of the spiritual world. Everything in the spiritual development of modern times is geared toward elevating individuality: individuality in the West in the Western manner, in an economic sense; individuality in the Middle in the now antiquated state-political-military manner; and individuality in the East in an antiquated manner, according to the old spirituality, now completely in decline. This must be sustained by the spiritual world. And it is supported by the fact that in both the West and the East—let us speak first of these two regions—a peculiar, deeply significant phenomenon is occurring. This is that an extraordinary number of people, or at least a relatively large number of people, are being born who do not follow the regular course of reincarnation.

You see, that is precisely why it is so difficult to speak about a problem such as reincarnation—because one cannot speak of it in the abstract sense that is popular today. For while such a problem points to something that is a most significant reality in human development, it also allows for exceptions, and we see both in the East and in the West —we will be discussing the Middle East in the coming days—that people are born today whom we cannot approach in such a way that we can say: In a completely regular manner, an individuality lives within these people—one that was present in a previous life and in yet another previous life, and that will be present in a future life and in yet another future life. — These reincarnations are indeed the regular course of human evolution, but they are subject to exceptions. What we encounter as a human being in human form need not always be what outward appearances suggest. Outward appearances can, after all, be just that—appearances. We may encounter human beings in human form who, in reality, are only such in outward appearance—subject to the cycle of recurring earthly lives; in truth, these are human bodies with physical, etheric, and astral bodies, but within them other beings incarnate—beings who make use of these human beings to work through them. It is indeed the case that, for example, in the West there really is a large number of such people who, fundamentally speaking, are not simply reincarnated human beings, but who are the bearers of beings that exhibit a markedly premature course of development—beings who should actually only appear in human form at a later stage of development. These entities do not make use of the entire human organism, but rather they primarily utilize the metabolic system of these Western people. Of the three members of human nature, they use the metabolic system in such a way that they work into this physical world through these people. Such people also reveal outwardly—to those who can observe life correctly—that this is indeed the case with them. For example, a large number of those who belong to Anglo-Saxon secret societies—we have, after all, repeatedly discussed the role of such secret societies in recent years— these influential members of such secret societies are, in fact, bearers of such premature existences that work their way into the world through the metabolic systems of certain people and seek a field of activity through the bodies of people who do not live in regular reincarnations. Likewise, the leading figures of certain sects are of this nature, and in particular, the overwhelming majority of a very widespread sect that has a large following in the West consists of people of this kind. In this way, I would say, a completely different spirituality is working its way into the lives of people today. And it will be an essential task to be able to take a stance on life from these perspectives. One should not believe in an abstract sense that, without exception, people everywhere are subject to repeated earthly lives. That would mean failing to recognize the outward appearance for what it is: an illusion. To seek the truth means, even in such cases, to continue seeking the truth—the reality—where outward appearances are so deceptive that beings of a different kind than modern human beings incarnate in human form, in a part of the human being, namely through the metabolic system; but they also act in the trunk system, the rhythmic system, and the nervous-sensory system. There are, in particular, three kinds of beings of this nature that incarnate in this way through the metabolic systems of various people in the West.

The first type consists of spirits who have a special affinity for what might be called the elemental forces of the Earth—spirits who have a tendency, an affinity, toward the elemental forces of the Earth, and who are thus able to determine: How to carry out colonization there in accordance with the natural conditions of the climate and the other conditions of the Earth, or how to establish trade relations there, and so on.

A second type of these spirits are those whose specific task is, within the realm in which they operate, to suppress self-awareness, to prevent the full consciousness of the conscious soul from emerging, and thereby to induce a certain addiction among the other people in their surroundings—among whom such a phenomenon spreads epidemically—so that they do not hold themselves accountable for the true motives behind their actions. One could say that such a thoroughly untruthful report—or such a thoroughly untruthful document as that of the Oxford professors, which has been made public in recent days—such a thoroughly, I would say, foolishly deceitful document—one might count this among the disciples of this untruthful element, which does not wish to address the actual impulses but instead pours a veneer over them and coins fine-sounding words, while underneath there is, in essence, nothing but untruthful impulses. By this I do not mean to claim that these Oxford professors, who may in themselves be quite decent people—I do not attribute great Ahrimanic impulses to them—are themselves bearers of such premature beings; but the disposition to be disciples of such beings lies within them. So these latter beings incarnate themselves specifically through the rhythmic system of certain people in the West.

The third type of being active in the West is the one that makes it its task to make human beings forget their individual abilities—those abilities we bring with us from the spiritual worlds when we enter physical existence through conception and birth—and, in a sense, to turn human beings more or less into a template of their nationality. This third type of being has set itself the specific task of preventing human beings from attaining individual spirituality.

While, then, the first type of being is influenced by the elemental forces of the earth, the climate, and so on, the second type of being has a particular tendency to foster a certain superficial, untrue element, and the third type of being seeks to eradicate individual abilities and turn people, to a greater or lesser extent, into templates, into imprints of their nationality or race. This latter type of being incarnates in the West specifically through the nervous-sensory system. Here we have what we have observed externally from various perspectives as a characteristic of the Western human world in particular; we have characterized it by the fact that we—I would say—encounter a large number of people who are scattered among secret societies, sects, and the like, whose humanity, however, consists in the fact that they are not simply reincarnations, but rather a kind of embodiment of beings who are premature in their development here on Earth, who therefore create special followings or, so to speak, epidemically radiate their particular characteristics onto other people. These three different beings certainly act through human beings, and we can only understand human characters if we know what I have just said—if we realize that what takes place in public life cannot be explained merely as the philistine would have it, but must be explained by the influence of such spiritual forces.

The fact that precisely these three kinds of forces—of beings—manifest themselves through human beings in the West at this particular stage of development is facilitated precisely by the fact that the West is tasked with developing this very specific economic way of thinking. I would say that economic life is the fertile ground from which such things can spring. And what, on the whole, in their totality, do these beings actually set as their task?

They have set themselves the task of reducing all of life to mere economic life, of gradually eradicating everything else that constitutes spiritual life—which, precisely where it is most vibrant, has shrunk into the abstractness of Puritanism—and of eradicating spiritual life, to gradually dull political and civic life, and to absorb everything into economic life. In the West, these people, who enter the world in this manner, are the true enemies and opponents of the threefold social order. The first type of being does not allow for the emergence of an economic life that stands as an independent entity alongside the state-legal and spiritual members of the social organism. The second type of being, which makes superficiality, empty rhetoric, and deceitfulness its primary mission, does not want to allow an independent democratic state life to emerge alongside economic life. And the third type of entity, which suppresses individual abilities, which does not want human beings to be anything other than a kind of template of their race or nationality, works against the emancipation of spiritual life and the independent standing of spiritual life.

Thus, there are forces in the West that work in this way to counteract the impulse toward a threefold social organism. And anyone who wishes to work in a deeper sense for the spread of this impulse toward threefolding must be clear that they have no choice but to also take into account such spiritual factors that are present in human development. For the forces to which one must appeal if one wishes to introduce anything into human development are confronted not merely by the things that the narrow-minded philistine notices, but by things that are accessible only through spiritual insight. What good does it do, after all, that people today regard this as superstition and do not wish to hear about it when one speaks of such spiritual beings who reach into the human realm? These spiritual beings are there, after all! And whoever does not wish to go through life with a merely slumbering soul, but with an awakened soul, can see the effects of these beings everywhere. If only one would allow oneself to be convinced, even a little, of the existence of the causes simply by the presence of the effects! This, to begin with, is the characteristic of the West. The West takes this form precisely because it lives entirely within the most elementary form of expression of the present epoch: economic conception, economic thinking.

The East once had a magnificent spiritual life. All spirituality—with the exception of what is sought in anthroposophy and what is striving to take new form—all the spirituality of the civilized world is, after all, essentially a legacy of the East. But the true glory of this religious and spiritual life existed in the East in very ancient times. And today, people in the East—all the way to Russia—find themselves in a peculiar state of conflict, because on the one hand they still live within the old spiritual elements drawn from their heritage, and on the other hand they are also influenced by what comes from the present epoch of human development: the drive toward individuality. This results in a profound decadence of humanity in the East, in the sense that people cannot become fully human; the spiritual heritage of ancient times still weighs heavily upon them—upon these Eastern people, all the way to Russia. And this means that today, when the Eastern person’s consciousness is lowered—whether in a state of sleep or dreaming, or when entering one of those mediumistic states so incredibly common in the East—he is not, as in the West, by an entirely different being, but that this being does influence his soul life, so that, in a sense, these other beings appear to him. Whereas in the West it is premature beings of the three kinds I have listed that are at work, in the East it is belated beings who once possessed perfection but have fallen behind, and who now appear to people in the East in a mediumistic state or in dreams, or even come upon them without dreams, without mediumistic influence—simply by entering their sleep—so that the person then carries within themselves, while awake, the inspiration of such beings; in other words, they are, so to speak, inspired during the day by the aftereffects of these beings who come upon them at night.

And again, there are three kinds of beings at work in the East, and they, too, exert a strong influence. While in the West one must point directly to individual human beings through whom these beings incarnate, in the East one must point to a kind of hierarchy that can appear to a wide variety of people. Again, there are three kinds of entities, but these are not entities that incarnate through human beings; rather, they are entities that appear to human beings and also inspire them from their sleep at night.

The first type of these entities is the one that prevents human beings from taking full possession of their physical bodies, that prevents them from connecting with economic life and with the public conditions of the present in general. These are the entities that seek to hold back economic life in the East, as it is needed within the threefold social organism.

The second type of beings are those that give rise to a nature that is already supra-individual—a kind of—if I may use this paradoxical term—“un-egoistic egoism,” which is all the more subtle because it is so frequently encountered, particularly among people of the East, who imagine themselves to be capable of all manner of selflessness, yet this selflessness is in fact a particularly subtle form of selfishness, a particularly refined egoism. They want to be completely good; they want to be as good as one can possibly be. That, too, is an egoistic feeling. It is something that can certainly be described with the paradox: a non-egoistic egoism, an egoism driven by imagined selflessness.

The third type of beings that appear to the people of the East in the manner described are those beings who keep spiritual life away from the Earth, who, in a sense, spread a dull, mystical atmosphere among people, as can be found particularly in the East today. Again, these three kinds of beings—which now, however, act down from the spiritual world without incarnating in human beings—are enemies of the threefold social organism. Thus, the impulse toward threefolding is constricted from the spiritual side by the East and, from the human side, in the manner described, by the West. Here, then, we see what underlies this differentiation from spiritual foundations.

We will also have to add what, from the heart of Europe, underlies the opposition to the threefold social order, so that we may gradually gain an understanding—from a spiritual perspective—of how we must equip ourselves to ensure that the idea of the threefold social order can truly counter the opposing forces — whether these forces originate from the spiritual world, as in the East; from human beings, as in the West; or in yet another way, as I will describe tomorrow, emanating from the heart of Europe — can truly provide an impulse that is as necessary as anything else for the development of humanity. One must be equipped with the necessary thoughts regarding how to respond to these matters.

Source: 

"Rejoice, and be exceeding glad!"

  

They that sow in tears shall reap in joy. He that goeth forth and weepeth, bearing precious seed, shall doubtless come again with rejoicing, bringing his sheaves with him.  —Psalm 126:5-6

And we know that all things work together for good to them that love God, to them who are the called according to his purpose.  — Romans 8:28

"Rejoice, and be exceeding glad"  — Matthew 5:12

Once when we were passing each other Swamiji planted himself in front of me and said "You should be happier." I replied "I'm sure you're right, Swamiji. Almost everyone—" Swamiji cut me off: "No! No! YOU should be happier!"

"Why, you should be leading lives of joy — deep inner joy in the truth! There is nothing in the world more delightful, nothing more fascinating, than the experience of truth. There you have an esotericism that is far more genuine, far more significant, than the esotericism that goes about with a long face. Before everything else — and long before you begin to talk about having a “mission” — there must be this living inner experience of truth." — Rudolf Steiner

"And the Veda was made flesh,

and dwelt among us."

Jesus: Krishna, redeemed by Christ

John 16:33 ― 17:26

These things I have spoken unto you, that in me ye might have peace. In the world ye shall have tribulation: but be of good cheer; I have overcome the world.

These words spake Jesus, and lifted up his eyes to heaven, and said, Father, the hour is come; glorify thy Son, that thy Son also may glorify thee:

As thou hast given him power over all flesh, that he should give eternal life to as many as thou hast given him.

And this is life eternal, that they might know thee the only true God, and Jesus Christ, whom thou hast sent.

I have glorified thee on the earth: I have finished the work which thou gavest me to do.

And now, O Father, glorify thou me with thine own self with the glory which I had with thee before the world was.

I have manifested thy name unto the men which thou gavest me out of the world: thine they were, and thou gavest them me; and they have kept thy word.

Now they have known that all things whatsoever thou hast given me are of thee.

For I have given unto them the words which thou gavest me; and they have received them, and have known surely that I came out from thee, and they have believed that thou didst send me.

I pray for them: I pray not for the world, but for them which thou hast given me; for they are thine.

And all mine are thine, and thine are mine; and I am glorified in them.

And now I am no more in the world, but these are in the world, and I come to thee. Holy Father, keep through thine own name those whom thou hast given me, that they may be one, as we are.

While I was with them in the world, I kept them in thy name: those that thou gavest me I have kept, and none of them is lost, but the son of perdition; that the scripture might be fulfilled.

And now come I to thee; and these things I speak in the world, that they might have my joy fulfilled in themselves.

I have given them thy word; and the world hath hated them, because they are not of the world, even as I am not of the world.

I pray not that thou shouldest take them out of the world, but that thou shouldest keep them from the evil.

They are not of the world, even as I am not of the world.

Sanctify them through thy truth: thy word is truth.

As thou hast sent me into the world, even so have I also sent them into the world.

And for their sakes I sanctify myself, that they also might be sanctified through the truth.

Neither pray I for these alone, but for them also which shall believe on me through their word;

That they all may be one; as thou, Father, art in me, and I in thee, that they also may be one in us: that the world may believe that thou hast sent me.

And the glory which thou gavest me I have given them; that they may be one, even as we are one:

I in them, and thou in me, that they may be made perfect in one; and that the world may know that thou hast sent me, and hast loved them, as thou hast loved me.

Father, I will that they also, whom thou hast given me, be with me where I am; that they may behold my glory, which thou hast given me: for thou lovedst me before the foundation of the world.

O righteous Father, the world hath not known thee: but I have known thee, and these have known that thou hast sent me.

And I have declared unto them thy name, and will declare it: that the love wherewith thou hast loved me may be in them, and I in them.

Continued:

45 years at the Himalayan Institute

The New Spirituality and the Christ Experience of the Twentieth Century

 

Rudolf Steiner, Dornach, Switzerland

October 17, 1920

Lecture 1 of 7

In the lectures given here during the course on history¹ several things were mentioned which, particularly at the present time, it is especially important to consider. With regard to the historical course of humanity's development, the much-debated question mentioned to begin with was whether the outstanding and leading individual personalities are the principal driving forces in this development or whether the most important things are brought about by the masses. In many circles this has always been a point of contention and the conclusions have been drawn, more from sympathy and antipathy than from real knowledge. This is one fact which, in a certain sense, I should like to mention as being very important. Another fact which, from a look at history, I should like to mention for its importance is the following. At the beginning of the nineteenth century Wilhelm von Humboldt²













 appeared with a definite declaration, stipulating that history should be treated in such a way that one would not only consider the individual facts which can be outwardly observed in the physical world but, out of an encompassing, synthesizing force, would see what is at work in the unfolding of history—which can only be found by someone who knows how to get a total view of the facts in what in a sense is a poetic way, but in fact produces a true picture. Attention was also drawn to how in the course of the nineteenth century it was precisely the opposite historical mode of thought and approach which was then particularly developed, and that it was not the ideas in history that were pursued but only a sense that was developed for the external world of facts. Attention was also drawn to the fact that, with regard to this last question, one can only come to clarity through spiritual science, because spiritual science alone can uncover the real driving forces of the historical evolution of humanity. A spiritual science of this kind was not yet accessible to Humboldt. He spoke of ideas, but ideas indeed have no driving force [of their own]. Ideas as such are abstractions, as I mentioned here yesterday³ And anyone who might wish to find ideas as the driving forces of history would never be able to prove that ideas really do anything because they are nothing of real substantiality, and only something of substantiality can do something. Spiritual science points to real spiritual forces that are behind the sensible-physical facts, and it is in real spiritual forces such as these that the propelling forces of history lie, even though these spiritual forces will have to be expressed for human beings through ideas.

But we come to clarity concerning these things only when, from a spiritual-scientific standpoint, we look more deeply into the historical development of humanity and we will do so today in such a way that, through our considerations, certain facts come to us which, precisely for a discerning judgement of the situation of modern humanity, will prove to be of importance. I have often mentioned⁴ that spiritual science, if it looks at history, would actually have to pursue a symptomatology; a symptomatology constituted from the fact that one is aware that behind what takes it course as the stream of physical-sensible facts lie the driving spiritual forces. But everywhere in historical development there are times when what has real being and essence (das eigentlich Wesenhafte) comes as a symptom to the surface and can be judged discerningly from the phenomena only if one has the possibility to penetrate more deeply from one's awareness of these phenomena into the depths of historical development.

I would like to clarify this by a simple diagram. Let us suppose that this is a flow of historical facts (see diagram). The driving forces lie, for ordinary observation, below the flow of these facts. And if the eye of the soul observes the flow in this way, then the real activity of the driving forces would lie beneath it (red). But there are significant points in this flow of facts. And these significant points are distinguished by the fact that what is otherwise hidden comes here to the surface. Thus we can say: Here, in a particular phenomenon, which must only be properly evaluated, it was possible to become aware of something which otherwise is at work everywhere, but which does not show itself in such a significant manifestation. Let us assume that this (see diagram) took place in some year of world history, let us say around 800 A.D. What was significant for Europe, let us say for Western Europe, was of course at work before this and worked on afterwards, but it did not manifest itself in such a significant way in the time before and after as it did here. If one points to a way of looking at history like this, a way which looks to significant moments, such a method would be in complete accord with Goetheanism. For Goethe wished in general that all perception of the world should be directed to significant points and then, from what could be seen from such points, the remaining content of world events be recognized. Goethe says of this⁵

 that, within the abundance of facts, the important thing is to find a significant point from which the neighbouring areas can be viewed and from which much can be deciphered.

So let us take this year 800 A.D. We can point here to a fact in the history of Western European humanity which, from the point of view of the usual approach to history, might seem insignificant—which one would perhaps not find worthy of attention for what is usually called history—but which, nevertheless, for a deeper view of humanity's development, is indeed significant. Around this year there was a kind of learned theological argument between the man who was a sort of court philosopher of the Frankish realm, Alcuin,⁶



 and a Greek also living at that time in the kingdom of the Franks. The Greek, who was naturally at home in the particular soul-constitution of the Greek peoples which he had inherited, had wanted to reach a discerning judgement of the principles of Christianity and had come to the concept of redemption. He put the question: To whom, in the redemption through Christ Jesus, was the ransom actually paid? He, the Greek thinker, came to the solution that the ransom had been paid to Death. Thus, in a certain sense, it was a sort of redemption theory that this Greek developed from his thoroughly Greek mode of thinking, which was now just becoming acquainted with Christianity. The ransom was paid to Death by the cosmic powers.

Alcuin, who stood at that time in that theological stream which then became the determining one for the development of the Roman Catholic Church of the West, debated in the following way about what the Greek had argued. He said: Ransom can only be paid to a being who really exists. But death has no reality, death is only the outer limit of reality, death itself is not real and, therefore, the ransom money could not have been paid to Death.

Now criticism of Alcuin's way of thinking is not what matters here. For to someone who, to a certain extent, can see through the interrelations of the facts, the view that death is not something real resembles the view which says: Cold is not something real, it is just a decrease in warmth, it is only a lesser warmth. Because the cold isn't real I won't wear a winter coat in winter because I'm not going to protect myself against something that isn't real. But we will leave that aside. We want rather to take the argument between Alcuin and the Greek purely positively and will ask what was really happening there. For it is indeed quite noticeable that it is not the concept of redemption itself that is discussed. It is not discussed in such a way that in a certain sense both personalities, the Greek and the Roman Catholic theologian, accept the same point of view, but in such a way that the Roman Catholic theologian shifts the standpoint entirely before he takes it up at all. He does not go on speaking in the way he had just done, but moves the whole problem into a completely different direction. He asks: Is death something real or not?—and objects that, indeed, death is not real.

This directs us at the outset to the fact that two views are clashing here which arise out of completely different constitutions of soul. And, indeed, this is the case. The Greek continued, as it were, the direction which, in the Greek culture, had basically faded away between Plato and Aristotle. In Plato there was still something alive of the ancient wisdom of humanity; that wisdom which takes us across to the ancient Orient where, indeed, in ancient times a primal wisdom had lived but which had then fallen more and more into decadence. In Plato, if we are able to understand him properly, we find the last offshoots, if I can so call them, of this primal oriental wisdom. And then, like a rapidly developing metamorphosis, Aristotelianism sets in which, fundamentally, presents a completely different constitution of soul from the Platonic one. Aristotelianism represents a completely different element in the development of humanity from Platonism. And, if we follow Aristotelianism further, it, too, takes on different forms, different metamorphoses, but all of which have a recognizable similarity. Thus we see how Platonism lives on like an ancient heritage in this Greek who has to contend against Alcuin, and how in Alcuin, on the other hand, Aristotelianism is already present. And we are directed, by looking at these two individuals, to that fluctuation which took place on European soil between two—one cannot really say world-views—but two human constitutions of soul, one of which has its origin in ancient times in the Orient, and another, which we do not find in the Orient but which, entering in later, arose in the central regions of civilization and was first grasped by Aristotle. In Aristotle, however, this only sounds a first quiet note, for much of Greek culture was still alive in him. It develops then with particular vehemence in the Roman culture within which it had been prepared long before Aristotle, and, indeed, before Plato. So that we see how, since the eighth century BC on the Italian peninsula a particular culture, or the first hints of it, was being prepared alongside that which lived on the Greek peninsula as a sort of last offshoot of the oriental constitution of soul. And when we go into the differences between these two modes of human thought we find important historical impulses. For what is expressed in these ways of thinking went over later into the feeling life of human beings; into the configuration of human actions and so on.

Now we can ask ourselves: So what was living in that which developed in ancient times as a world-view in the Orient, and which then, like a latecomer, found its [last] offshoots in Platonism—and, indeed, still in Neoplatonism? It was a highly spiritual culture which arose from an inner perception living pre-eminently in pictures, in imaginations; but pictures not permeated by full consciousness, not yet permeated by the full I-consciousness of human beings. In the spiritual life of the ancient Orient, of which the Veda and Vedanta are the last echoes, stupendous pictures opened up of what lives in the human being as the spiritual. But it existed in a—I beg you not to misunderstand the word and not to confuse it with usual dreaming—it existed in a dreamlike, dim way, so that this soul-life was not permeated (durchwellt) and irradiated (durchstrahlt) by what lives in the human being when he becomes clearly conscious of his 'I' and his own being. The oriental was well aware that his being existed before birth, that it returns through death to the spiritual world in which it existed before birth or conception. The oriental gazed on that which passed through births and deaths. But he did not see as such that inner feeling which lives in the `I am'. It was as if it were dull and hazy, as though poured out in a broad perception of the soul (Gesamtseelenanschauung) which did not concentrate to such a point as that of the I-experience. Into what, then, did the oriental actually gaze when he possessed his instinctive perception?

One can still feel how this oriental soul-constitution was completely different from that of later humanity when, for an understanding of this and perhaps prepared through spiritual science, one sinks meditatively into those remarkable writings which are ascribed to Dionysius the Areopagite.⁷ I will not go into the question of the authorship now, I have already spoken about it on a number of occasions. 'Nothingness' (das Nichts) is still spoken of there as a reality, and the existence of the external world, in the way one views it in ordinary consciousness, is simply contrasted against this [nothingness] as a different reality. This talk of nothingness then continues. In Scotus Erigena,⁸ who lived at the court of Charles the Bald, one still finds echoes of it, and we find the last echo then in the fifteenth century in Nicolas of Cusa⁹ But what was meant by the nothingness one finds in Dionysius the Areopagite and of that which the oriental spoke of as something self-evident to him? This fades then completely. What was this nothingness for the oriental? It was something real for him. He turned his gaze to the world of the senses around him, and said: This sense-world is spread out in space, flows in time, and in ordinary life world, is spread out in space, one says that what is extended in space and flows in time is something.

But what the oriental saw—that which was a reality for him, which passes through births and deaths—was not contained in the space in which the minerals are to be found, in which the plants unfold, the animals move and the human being as a physical being moves and acts. And it was also not contained in that time in which our thoughts, feelings and will-impulses occur. The oriental was fully aware that one must go beyond this space in which physical things are extended and move, and beyond this time in which our soul-forces of ordinary life are active. One must enter a completely different world; that world which, for the external existence of time and space, is a nothing but which, nevertheless, is something real. The oriental sensed something in contrast to the phenomena of the world which the European still senses at most in the realm of real numbers. When a European has fifty francs he has something. If he spends twenty-five francs of this he still has twenty-five francs; if he then spends fifteen francs he still has ten; if he spends this he has nothing. If now he continues to spend he has five, ten, fifteen, twenty-five francs in debts. He still has nothing; but, indeed, he has something very real when, instead of simply an empty wallet, he has twenty-five or fifty francs in debts. In the real world it also signifies something very real if one has debts. There is a great difference in one's whole situation in life between having nothing and having fifty francs' worth of debts. These debts of fifty francs are forces just as influential on one's situation in life as, on the other side and in an opposite sense, are fifty francs of credit. In this area the European will probably admit to the reality of debts for, in the real world, there always has to be something there when one has debts. The debts that one has oneself may still seem a very negative amount, but for the person to whom they are owed they are a very positive amount!

So, when it is not just a matter of the individual but of the world, the opposite side of zero from the credit side is truly something very real. The oriental felt—not because he somehow speculated about it but because his perception necessitated it he felt: Here, on the one side, I experience that which cannot be observed in space or in time; something which, for the things and events of space and time, is nothing but which, nevertheless, is a reality—but a different reality. It was only through misunderstanding that there then arose what occidental civilization gave itself up to under the leadership of Rome—the creation of the world out of nothing with `nothing' seen as absolute `zero'. In the Orient, where these things were originally conceived, the world does not arise out of nothing but out of the reality I have just indicated. And an echo of what vibrates through all the oriental way of thinking right down to Plato—the impulse of eternity of an ancient world-view—lived in the Greek who, at the court of Charlemagne, had to debate with Alcuin. And in this theologian Alcuin there lived a rejection of the spiritual life for which, in the Orient, this `nothing' was the outer form. And thus, when the Greek spoke of death, whose causes lie in the spiritual world, as something real, Alcuin could only answer: But death is nothing and therefore cannot receive ransom.

You see, the whole polarity between the ancient oriental way of thinking, reaching to Plato, and what followed later is expressed in this [one] significant moment when Alcuin debated at the court of Charlemagne with the Greek. For, what was it that had meanwhile entered in to European civilization since Plato, particularly through the spread of Romanism? There had entered that way of thinking which one has to comprehend through the fact that it is directed primarily to what the human being experiences between birth and death. And the constitution of soul which occupies itself primarily with the human being's experiences between birth and death is the logical, legal one—the logical-dialectical-legal one. The Orient had nothing of a logical, dialectical nature and, least of all, a legal one. The Occident brought logical, legal thinking so strongly into the oriental way of thinking that we ourselves find religious feeling permeated with a legalistic element. In the Sistine Chapel in Rome, painted by the master-hand of Michelangelo, we see looming towards us, Christ as judge giving judgment on the good and the evil.

A legal, dialectical element has entered into the thoughts concerning the course of the world. This was completely alien to the oriental way of thinking. There was nothing there like guilt and atonement or redemptinn. For [in this oriental way of thinking] was precisely that view of the metamorphosis through which the eternal element [in the human being] transforms itself through births and deaths. There was that which lives in the concept of karma. Later, however, everything was fixed into a way of looking at things which is actually only valid for, and can only encompass, life between birth and death. But this life between birth and death was just what had evaded the oriental. He looked far more to the core of man's being. He had little understanding for what took place between birth and death. And now, within this occidental culture, the way of thinking which comprehends primarily what takes place within the span between birth and death increased [and did so] through those forces possessed by the human being by virtue of having clothed his soul-and-spirit nature with a physical and etheric body. In this constitution, in the inner experience of the soul-and-spirit element and in the nature of this experience, which arises through the fact that one is submerged with one's soul-and-spirit nature in a physical body, comes the inner comprehension of the 'I'. This is why it happens in the Occident that the human being feels an inner urge to lay hold of his 'I' as something divine. We see this urge, to comprehend the 'I' as something divine, arise in the medieval mystics; in Eckhart, in Tauler and in others. The comprehension of the 'I' crystallizes out with full force in the Middle (or Central) culture. Thus we can distinguish between the Eastern culture—the time in which the 'I' is first experienced, but dimly—and the Middle (or Central) culture—primarily that in which the 'I' is experienced. And we see how this 'I' is experienced in the most manifold metamorphoses. First of all in that dim, dawning way in which it arises in Eckhart, Tauler and other mystics, and then more and more distinctly during the development of all that can originate out of this I-culture.

We then see how, within the I-culture of the Centre, another aspect arises. At the end of the eighteenth century something comes to the fore in Kant¹⁰ which, fundamentally, cannot be explained out of the onward flow of this I-culture. For what is it that arises through Kant? Kant looks at our perception, our apprehension (Erkennen), of nature and cannot come to terms with it. Knowledge of nature, for him, breaks down into subjective views ( Subjektivitäten); he does not penetrate as far as the 'I' despite the fact that he continually speaks of it and even, in some categories, in his perceptions of time and space, would like to encompass all nature through the 'I'. Yet he does not push through to a true experience of the 'I'. He also constructs a practical philosophy with the categorical imperative which is supposed to manifest itself out of unfathomable regions of the human soul. Here again the 'I' does not appear. In Kant's philosophy it is strange. The full weight of dialectics, of logical-dialectical-legal thinking is there, in which everything is tending towards the 'I', but he cannot reach the point of really understanding the 'I' philosophically. There must be something preventing him here. Then comes Fichte, a pupil of Kant's, who with full force wishes his whole philosophy to well up out of the 'I' and who, through its simplicity, presents as the highest tenet of his philosophy the sentence: `I am'. And everything that is truly scientific must follow from this `I am'. One should be able, as it were, to deduce, to read from this 'I am' an entire picture of the world. Kant cannot reach the 'I am'. Fichte immediately afterwards, while still a pupil of Kant's, hurls the `I am' at him. And everyone is amazed—this is a pupil of Kant's speaking like this! And Fichte says:¹¹ As far as he can understand it, Kant, if he could really think to the end, would have to think the same as me. It is so inexplicable to Fichte that Kant thinks differently from him, that he says: If Kant would only take things to their full conclusion, he would have to think [as I do]; he too, would have to come to the 'I am'. And Fichte expresses this even more clearly by saying: I would rather take the whole of Kant's critique for a random game of ideas haphazardly thrown together than to consider it the work of a human mind, if my philosophy did not logically follow from Kant's. Kant, of course, rejects this. He wants nothing to do with the conclusions drawn by Fichte.

We now see how there follows on from Fichte what then flowered as German idealistic philosophy in Schelling and Hegel, and which provoked all the battles of which I spoke, in part, in my lectures on the limits to a knowledge of nature.¹² But we find something curious. We see how Hegel lives in a crystal-clear [mental] framework of the logical-dialectical-legal element and draws from it a world-view—but a world-view that is interested only in what occurs between birth and death. You can go through the whole of Hegel's philosophy and you will find nothing that goes beyond birth and death. It confines everything in world history, religion, art and science solely to experiences occurring between birth and death.

What then is the strange thing that happened here? Now, what came out in Fichte, Schelling and Hegel—this strongest development of the Central culture in which the 'I' came to full consciousness, to an inner experience—was still only a reaction, a last reaction to something else. For one can understand Kant only when one bears the following properly in mind. (I am coming now to yet another significant point to which a great deal can be traced). You see, Kant was still—this is clearly evident from his earlier writings—a pupil of the rationalism of the eighteenth century, which lived with genius in Leibnitz and pedantically in Wolff. One can see that for this rationalism the important thing was not to come truly to a spiritual reality. Kant therefore rejected it—this `thing in itself' as he called it—but the important thing for him was to prove. Sure proof! Kant's writings are remarkable also in this respect. He wrote his Critique of Pure Reason in which he is actually asking: `How must the world be so that things can be proved in it?' Not 'What are the realities in it?' But he actually asks: 'How must I imagine the world so that logically, dialectically, I can give proofs in it?' This is the only point he is concerned with and thus he tries in his Prologomena to give every future metaphysics which has a claim to being truly scientific, a metaphysics for what in his way of thinking can be proven: `Away with everything else! The devil take the reality of the world—just let me have the art of proving! What's it to me what reality is; if I can't prove it I shan't trouble myself over it!'

Those individuals did not, of course, think in this way who wrote books like, for example, Christian Wolff's¹³ Vernünftige Gedanken von Gott, der Welt und der Seele des Menschen, auch allen Dingen überhaupt (Reasoned Thoughts an God, the World, and the Soul of Man, and All Things Generally). What mattered for them was to have a clean, self-contained system of proof, in the way that they see proof. Kant lived in this sphere, but there was still something there which, although an excrescence squeezed out of the world-view of the Centre, nevertheless fitted into it. But Kant had something else which makes it inexplicable how he could become Fichte's teacher. And yet he gives Fichte a stimulus, and Fichte comes back at him with the strong emphasis of the 'I am'; comes back, indeed, not with proofs—one would not look for these in Fichte—but with a fully developed inner life of soul. In Fichte there emerges, with all the force of the inner life of soul, that which, in the Wolffians and Leibnitzites, can seem insipid. Fichte constructs his philosophy, in a wealth of pure concepts, out of the 'I am'; but in him they are filled with life. So, too, are they in Schelling and in Hegel. So what then had happened with Kant who was the bridge? Now, one comes to the significant point when one traces how Kant developed. Something else became of this pupil of Wolff by virtue of the fact that the English philosopher, David Hume,¹⁴ awoke him, as Kant himself says, out of his dull dogmatic slumber. What is it that entered Kant here, which Fichte could no longer understand? There entered into Kant here—it fitted badly in his case because he was too involved with the culture of Central Europe—that which is now the culture of the West. This came to meet him in the person of David Hume and it was here that the culture of the West entered Kant. And in what does the peculiarity [of this culture] lie? In the oriental culture we find that the 'I' still lives below, dimly, in a dream-like state in the soul-experiences which express themselves, spread out, in imaginative pictures. In the Western culture we find that, in a certain sense, the 'I' is smothered (erdrückt) by the purely external phenomena (Tatsachen). The 'I' is indeed present, and is present not dimly, but bores itself into the phenomena. And here, for example, people develop a strange psychology. They do not talk here about the soul-life in the way Fichte did, who wanted to work out everything from the one point of the 'I', but they talk about thoughts which come together by association. People talk about feelings, mental pictures and sensations, and say these associate—and also will-impulses associate. One talks about the inner soul-life in terms of thoughts which associate.

Fichte speaks of the 'I'; this radiates out thoughts. In the West the 'I' is completely omitted because it is absorbed—soaked up by the thoughts and feelings which one treats as though they were independent of it, associating and separating again. And one follows the life of the soul as though mental pictures linked up and separated. Read Spencer,¹⁵ read John Stuart Mill¹⁶ read the American philosophers. When they come to talk of psychology there is this curious view that does not exclude the 'I' as in the Orient, because it is developed dimly there, but which makes full demand of the 'I'; letting it, however, sink down into the thinking, feeling and willing life of the soul. One could say: In the oriental the 'I' is still above thinking, feeling and willing; it has not yet descended to the level of thinking, feeling and willing. In the human being of the Western culture the 'I' is already below this sphere. It is below the surface of thinking, feeling and willing so that it is no longer noticed, and thinking, feeling and willing are then spoken of as independent forces. This is what came to Kant in the form of the philosophy of David Hume. Then the Central region of the earth's culture still set itself against this with all force in Fichte, Schelling, and Hegel. After them the culture of the West overwhelms everything that is there, with Darwinism and Spencerism.

One will only be able to come to an understanding of what is living in humanity's development if one investigates these deeper forces. One then finds that something developed in a natural way in the Orient which actually was purely a spiritual life. In the Central areas something developed which was dialectical-legal, which actually brought forth the idea of the State, because it is to this that it can be applied. It is such thinkers as Fichte, Schelling and Hegel who, with enormous sympathy, construct a unified image (Gebilde) of the State. But then a culture emerges in the West which proceeds from a constitution of soul in which the 'I' is absorbed, takes its course below the level of thinking, feeling and willing; and where, in the mental and feeling life, people speak of associations. If only one would apply this thinking to the economic life! That is its proper place. People went completely amiss when they started applying [this thinking] to something other than the economic life. There it is great, is of genius. And had Spencer, John Stuart Mill and David Hume applied to the institutions of the economic life what they wasted on philosophy it would have been magnificent. If the human beings living in Central Europe had limited to the State what is given them as their natural endowment, and if they had not, at the same time, also wanted thereby to include the spiritual life and the economic life, something magnificent could have come out of it. For, with what Hegel was able to think, with what Fichte was able to think, one would have been able—had one remained within the legal-political configuration which, in the threefold organism, we wish to separate out as the structure of the State¹⁷—to attain something truly great. But, because there hovered before these minds the idea that they had to create a structure for the State which included the economic life and the spiritual life, there arose only caricatures in the place of a true form for the State. And the spiritual life was anyway only a heritage of the ancient Orient. It was just that people did not know that they were still living from this heritage of the ancient East. The useful statements, for example, of Christian theology—indeed, the useful statements still within our materialistic sciences—are either the heritage of the ancient East, or a changeling of dialectical-legal thinking, or are already adopted, as was done by Spencer and Mill, from the Western culture which is particularly suited for the economic life.

Thus the spiritual thinking of the ancient Orient had been distributed over the earth, but in an instinctive way that is no longer of any use today. Because today it is decadent, it is dialectical-political thinking which was rendered obsolete by the world catastrophe [World War I]. For there was no one less suited to thinking economically than the pupils of Fichte, Schelling and Hegel. When they began to create a State which, above all, was to become great through its economy, they had of necessity (selbstverständlich) to fail, for this was not what, by nature, was, endowed to them. In accordance with the historical development of humanity, spiritual thinking, political thinking and economic thinking were apportioned to the East, the Centre, and the West respectively. But we have arrived at a point of humanity's development when understanding, a common understanding, must spread equally over all humanity. How can this come about?

This can only happen out of the initiation-culture, out of the new spiritual science, which does not develop one-sidedly, but considers everything that appears in all areas as a three-foldness that has evolved of its own accord. This science must really consider the threefold aspect also in social life; in this case (as a three-foldness) encompassing the whole earth. Spiritual science, however, cannot be extended through natural abilities; it can only be spread by people accepting those who see into these things, who can really experience the spiritual sphere, the political sphere and the economic sphere as three separate areas. The unity of human beings all over the earth is due to the fact that they combine in themselves what was divided between three spheres. They themselves organize it in the social organism in such a way that it can exist in harmony before their eyes. This, however, can only follow from spiritual-scientific training. And we stand here at a point where we must say: In ancient times we see individual personalities, we see them expressing in their words what was the spirit of the time. But when we examine it closely—in the oriental culture, for example—we find that, fundamentally, there lives instinctively in the masses a constitution of soul which in a remarkable; quite natural way was in accord with what these individuals spoke.

This correspondence, however, became less and less. In our times we see the development of the opposite extreme. We see instincts arising in the masses which are the opposite of what is beneficial for humanity. We see things arising that absolutely call for the qualities that may arise in individuals who are able to penetrate the depths of spiritual science. No good will come from instincts, but only from the understanding (that Dr. Unger also spoke of here)¹⁸ which, as is often stressed, every human being can bring towards the spiritual investigator if he really opens himself to healthy human reason. Thus there will come a culture in which the single individual, with his ever-deeper penetration into the depths of the spiritual world, will be of particular importance, and in which die one who penetrates in this way will be valued, just as someone who works in some craft is valued. One does not go to the tailor to have boots made or to the shoemaker to be shaved, so why should people go to someone else for what one needs as a world-view other than to the person who is initiated into it? And it is, indeed, just this that, particularly today and in the most intense sense, is necessary for the good of human beings even though there is a reaction against it, which shows how humanity still resists what is beneficial for it. This is the terrible battle—the grave situation—in which we find ourselves.

At no other time has there been a greater need to listen carefully to what individuals know concerning one thing or another. Nor has there been a greater need for people with knowledge of specific subject areas to be active in social life—not from a belief in authority but out of common sense and out of agreement based on common sense. But, to begin with, the instincts oppose this and people believe that some sort of good can be achieved from levelling everything. This is the serious battle in which we stand. Sympathy and antipathy are of no help here, nor is living in slogans. Only a clear observation of the facts can help. For today great questions are being decided—the questions as to whether the individual or the masses have significance. In other times this was not important because the masses and the individual were in accord with one another; individuals were, in a certain sense, simply speaking for the masses. We are approaching more and more that time when the individual must find completely within himself the source of what he has to find and which he has then to put into the social life; and [what we are now seeing] is only the last resistance against this validity of the individual and an ever larger and larger number of individuals. One can see plainly how that which spiritual science shows is also proved everywhere in these significant points. We talk of associations which are necessary in the economic life, and use a particular thinking for this. This has developed in the culture of the West from letting thoughts associate. If one could take what John Stuart Mill does with logic, if one could remove those thoughts from that sphere and apply them to the economic life, they would fit there. The associations which would then come in there would be exactly those which do not fit into psychology. Even in what appears in the area of human development, spiritual science follows reality.

Thus spiritual science, if fully aware of the seriousness of the present world situation, knows what a great battle is taking place between the threefold social impulse that can come from spiritual science and that which throws itself against this threefoldness as the wave of Bolshevism, which would lead to great harm (Unheil) amongst humanity. And there is no third element other than these two. The battle has to take place between these two. People must see this! Everything else is already decadent. Whoever looks with an open mind at the conditions in which we are placed, must conclude that it is essential today to gather all our forces together so that this whole terrible Ahrimanic affair can be repulsed.

This building stands here,¹⁹ incomplete though it is for the time being. Today we cannot get from the Central countries that which for the most part, and in addition to what has come to us from the neutral states, has brought this building to this stage. We must have contributions from the countries of the former Entente. Understanding must be developed here for what is to become a unified culture containing spirit, politics and economics. For people must get away from a one:sided tendency and must follow those who also understand something of politics and economics, who do not work only in dialectics, but, also being engaged with economic impulses, have insight into the spiritual, and do not want to create states in which the State itself can run the economy. The Western peoples will have to realize that something else must evolve in addition to the special gift they will have in the future with regard to forming economic associations. The skill in forming associations has so far been applied at the wrong end, i.e. in the field of Psychology. What must evolve is understanding of the political-state element, which has other sources than the economic life, and also of the spiritual element. But at present the Central countries lie powerless, so people in the Western regions—one could not expect this of the Orient—will have to see what the Purpose of this building is! It is necessary for us to consider What must be done so that real provision is made for a new culture that should be presented everywhere in the university education of the future—here we have to show the way. In the foundation of the Waldorf Schools the culture has proved to be capable of bringing light into primary education. But for this we need the understanding support of the widest circles.

Above all we need the means. For everything which, in a higher or lower sense, is called a school, we need the frame of mind I have already tried to awaken at the opening of the Waldorf School in Stuttgart.²⁰ I said in my opening speech there: `This is one Waldorf school. It is well and good that we have it, but for itself it is nothing; it is only something if, in the next quarter of a year, we build ten such Waldorf schools and then others'. The world did not understand this, it had no money for such a thing. For it rests on the standpoint: Oh, the ideals are too lofty, too pure for us to bring dirty money to them; better to keep it in our pockets; that's the proper place for dirty money. The ideals, oh, they're too pure, one can't contaminate them with money! Of course, with purity of this kind the embodiment of ideals cannot be attained, if dirty money is not brought to them. And thus we have to consider that, up to now, we have stopped at one Waldorf school which cannot progress properly because in the autumn we found ourselves in great money difficulties. These have been obviated for the time being, but at Easter we shall be faced with them again. And then, after a comparatively short time, we will ask: Should we give up? And we shall have to give up if, before then, an understanding is not forthcoming which dips vigorously into its pockets.

It is thus a matter of awakening understanding in this respect. I don't believe that much understanding would arise if we were to say that we wanted something for the building in Dornach, or some such thing—as has been shown already. But—and one still finds understanding for this today—if one wants to create sanatoria or the like, one gets money, and as much as one wants! This is not exactly what we want—we don't want to build a host of sanatoria—we agree fully with creating them as far as they are necessary; but here it is a matter, above all, of nurturing that spiritual culture whose necessity will indeed prove itself through what this course²¹ I has attempted to accomplish. This is what I tried to suggest, to give a stimulus to what I expressed here a few days ago, in the words 'World Fellowship of Schools' (Weltschulverein).²² Our German friends have departed but it is not a question of depending on them for this 'World Fellowship'. It depends on those who, as friends, have come here, for the most part from all possible regions of the non-German world—and who are still sitting here now—that they understand these words 'World Fellowship of Schools' because it is vital that we found school upon school in all areas of the world out of the pedagogical spirit which rules in the Waldorf School. We have to be able to extend this school until we are able to move into higher education of the kind we are hoping for here. For this, however, we have to be in a position to complete this building and everything that belongs to it, and be constantly able to support that which is necessary in order to work here; to be productive, to work on the further extension of all the separate sciences in the spirit of spiritual science.

People ask one how much money one needs for all this. One cannot say how much, because there never is an uppermost limit. And, of course, we will not be able to found a World Fellowship of Schools simply by creating a committee of twelve or fifteen or thirty people who work out nice statutes as to how a World Fellowship of Schools of this kind should work. That is all pointless. I attach no value to programmes or to statutes but only to the work of active people who work with understanding. It will be possible to establish this World Fellowship—well, we shall not be able to go to London for some time—in the Hague or some such place, if a basis can be created, and by other means if the friends who are about to go to Norway or Sweden or Holland, or any other country—England, France, America and so on—awaken in every human being whom they can reach the well-founded conviction that there has to be a World Fellowship of Schools. It ought to go through the world like wildfire that a World Fellowship must arise to provide the material means for the spiritual culture that is intended here. If one is able in other matters, as a single individual, to convince possibly hundreds and hundreds of people, why should one not be able in a short time—for the decline is happening so quickly that we only have a short time—to have an effect on many people as a single individual, so that if one came to the Hague a few weeks later one would see how widespread was the thought that: 'The creation of a World Fellowship of Schools is necessary, it is just that there are no means for it.' What we are trying to do from Dornach is an historical necessity. One will only be able to talk of the inauguration of this World Fellowship of Schools when the idea of it already exists. It is simply utopian to set up committees and found a World Fellowship—this is pointless! But to work from person to person, and to spread quickly the realization, the well-founded realization, that it is so necessary—this is what must precede the founding. Spiritual science lives in realities. This is why it does not get involved with proposals of schemes for a founding but points to what has to happen in reality—and human beings are indeed realities—so that such a thing has some prospects.

So what is important here is that we finally learn from spiritual science how to stand in real life. I would never get involved with a simply utopian founding of the World Fellowship of Schools, but would always be of the opinion that this World Fellowship can only come about when a sufficiently large number of people are convinced of its necessity. It must be created so that what is necessary for humanity—it has already proved to be so from our course here—can happen. This World Fellowship of Schools must be created. Please see what is meant by this Fellowship in all international life, in the right sense! I would like, in this request, to round off today what, in a very different way in our course, has spoken to humanity through those who were here and of whom we have the hope and the wish that they carry it out into the world. The World Fellowship of Schools can be the answer of the world to what was put before it like a question; a question taken from the real forces of human evolution, that is, human history. So let what can happen for the World Fellowship of Schools, in accordance with the conviction you have been able to gain here, happen! In this there rings out what I wanted to say today.

Source: The Rudolf Steiner Archive